{"id":5035,"date":"2024-10-25T09:16:00","date_gmt":"2024-10-25T07:16:00","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/www.alandalusylahistoria.com\/?p=5035"},"modified":"2024-10-24T19:17:52","modified_gmt":"2024-10-24T17:17:52","slug":"the-streets-of-al-andalus-first-part","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/www.alandalusylahistoria.com\/?p=5035","title":{"rendered":"The streets of al-Andalus (first part)"},"content":{"rendered":"\n


With their absence of wheeled traffic, the narrow and winding streets of Muslim cities have many things in their favor: they provide shade, reduce wind, allow for a greater density of habitation and make a large city accessible to pedestrians; they facilitate social relations, and they are easily defended<\/h3>\n\n\n\n
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Maribel Fierro<\/a> and Luis Molina<\/a>
CCHS-CSIC and EEA-CSIC<\/h4>\n\n\n\n
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Section of the map of Toledo<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n\n\n\n
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Spanish version<\/a><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

The roads within the cities<\/h2>\n\n\n\n

The urban planning of al-Andalus experienced both the direct impact of Islam on the Late Ancient and Christian world and its reversal with the Christian conquest. Many Andalusi cities underwent profound modifications after the Christian conquest (for example, the widening of streets and the removal of walkways), making it very difficult to reconstruct their previous topography, especially if it has not been possible to excavate in the best conditions.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The urban planning of cities in the Islamic Mediterranean area was not only affected by the beliefs and culture of the new religion, but also by the complex process of urban evolution of the Ancient world. In contrast with those who see a certain continuity between that Late-Antique world and the first Islamic centuries, Manuel Aci\u00e9n considers that the Andalusi cities that were historically configured between the 9th and 11th centuries have nothing to do with their predecessors, even though they are in the same physical space, and that in fact all of them can be considered as newly founded, because the Islamic city dictates the disappearance of the Ancient city, and this seems to be confirmed by the archaeological record. Naturally, Aci\u00e9n does not deny the survival of physical facts \u2015such as the remains of buildings, layouts, roads or parcels of land\u2015 and not just physical ones, since key elements of the city such as bishops also survived under Muslim rule. But all of them would eventually disappear, just like the Ancient city itself. It is, therefore, possible to recognise or recreate those parcels and roads of the Ancient city that have been preserved (as in the case of M\u00e9rida), but this does not imply that their functions were the same.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Apart from re-using pre-existing cities, Muslims founded new cities for military, administrative, or socio-economic purposes or as the material expression of the rulers’ power. As they were not conditioned by prior urban planning, these cities \u2015such as Murcia, \u00dabeda, Badajoz and Palma de Mallorca, as well as the palatine cities (Mad\u012bnat al-zahr\u0101’ and Mad\u012bnat al-z\u0101hira), borderland cities (Talavera de la Reina, Medinaceli, Madrid) and port cities (Almer\u00eda, Tarifa)\u2015 are especially relevant to a better understanding of the relationship between Islam and the city. In general, the intervention of the rulers in urban planning was limited to the configuration of a layout that included main streets, mosques, walls and the citadel, where power resided. Sometimes, planning of the sanitation network has also been detected. In Cercadilla (C\u00f3rdoba), extensive suburbs have been excavated, uncovering a large number of houses that are aligned in straight and wide streets, oriented from north to south, to facilitate the evacuation of wastewater that was discharged into them by the houses’ sewers.<\/p>\n\n\n

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View of the archaeological site of the San Esteban arrabal <\/em>in Murcia. Wikipedia commons<\/a>.<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n<\/div>\n\n\n
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When political power did not intervene directly in the organization of space, it was the neighbors who played the role of ordering agent, either through mediation and arbitration at the neighborhood or street level, or through recourse to Islamic law (fiqh<\/em>) that fostered reaching agreements and did not penalize the invasion of public space, as long as it did not cause serious harm to the common good or harm was not inflicted to another person. Public space was considered the property of the community and its use was determined by custom as well as the balance between the inconvenience caused to users and the loss of benefit to neighbors. We can reconstruct these realities thanks to Islamic legal texts, of special interest being the legal opinions or fatwas that arise fundamentally on the occasion of litigation caused by the appropriation of public or private space into streets or walkways, and by sanitation problems in relation to the evacuation of rainwater or fecal water or lack of cleaning, among other reasons.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

An extensive administrative machinery with municipal institutions comparable to those that developed in the Christian West from the 11th century onwards did not develop in Islamic cities. There was an administrative framework that went from the political authority or its representatives to legal offices such as that of the qadi <\/em>or judge, the \u1e63\u0101\u1e25ib al-mad\u012bna<\/em> or zalmedina, the market inspector or \u1e63\u0101\u1e25ib al-s\u016bq<\/em>, also called mu\u1e25tasib <\/em>(in charge of public morality and in general of what makes life together possible). There was ample room for the initiative of the city’s inhabitants acting \u2015individually or as a group\u2015 for the common good, in the creation and maintenance of which they took part, especially at the neighborhood level. The neighborhood was generally structured around its mosque, a space for community sociability and a meeting place where issues that affected the neighbors were discussed. Relations between neighbors, arising from the density of the urban fabric, are governed by tacit rules that tend to minimize harm and to maintain respect within common life, this being what allows the city to function. When the rules are not respected and there is a breakdown in neighborhood consensus, the mu\u1e25tasib and even the qadi <\/em>intervene to restore urban order and ensure the proper functioning of the system. The most frequent cases in which conflicts occurred were those related to the invasion of privacy in public space. Before looking at some of these cases, it is necessary to deal with the alleged ‘urban disorder’ of the Islamic world.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The alleged ‘urban disorder’ of the Islamic world<\/h2>\n\n\n\n

In the literature on the Islamic city, there is an insistence on an alleged ‘urban disorder’ that saw its expression in the labyrinthic layout of its streets and on the influence of Islam on that disorder as well as on its immutability.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

For Bulliet, however, the narrow streets, the invasion of buildings on public roads, and in general the labyrinthic aspect of Islamic cities \u2015all features often compared unfavorably with to the Roman city with its rectilinear plan\u2015 must be attributed not so much to Islamic law or to the absence of municipal institutions, but to the fact that they were part of societies without wheeled traffic. Bulliet highlights that narrow and winding streets have many things in their favor: they follow the layout of the land, provide shade in hot countries, reduce the wind, and allow a greater density of habitation which in turn makes a large city accessible to pedestrians, facilitate social relations and are easily defendable.<\/p>\n\n\n

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A typical labyrinthine floor plan<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n<\/div>\n\n\n
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Bulliet explains that if there is wheeled traffic, the streets must be flat, without steps or long slopes and, if possible, they must be paved. Furthermore, they must be kept in such a state that circulation is not interrupted. They have to be of adequate width so that, ideally, two vehicles can pass at the same time; corners cannot be too sharp or narrow for maneuvers; dead ends should be avoided. That buildings or merchants with their goods occupy public roads must be avoided at all costs. And we must take into account that the vehicles are noisy and dangerous (remember the accident involving Ibn Wa\u1e0d\u1e0d\u0101\u1e25’s son mentioned in The roads of al-Andalus).<\/p>\n\n\n\n

As vehicles disappeared, cities in the Middle East and North Africa gradually developed street types and layouts that better suited human needs. Once only pedestrians and pack animals had to be provided for, the street could be transformed into an open market or a dead end that gave access only to those residing in the houses located there. Given the absence of an ideological sanction regarding constant widths and right-angle turns, with little legislation \u2015Bulliet continues\u2015 viable streets could be maintained. But this does not mean that there was an ideological sanction for the disorder, since \u2015as Aci\u00e9n has highlighted\u2015 in the newly founded cities there was specific planning despite the fact that, since there was no road transport, the need for that planning was scarce. Equally, the arrival of Islam did not destroy the previous streets of cities such as Antioch and Herat in which long right-angled streets dating back to pre-Islamic times are still preserved. But Islam \u2015which had emerged in a region where the wheel was not used\u2015 prospered in the Late Ancient world, in which the use of the wheel was in decline and which therefore did not incorporate an ideological position favorable to vehicular traffic. The evolution from a geometric design to an organic one took place naturally in these societies. When Islam spread through Yemen, Indonesia or India, where transportation was done differently, other city plants are found.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The streets and Islamic law<\/h2>\n\n\n\n

If we follow Bulliet in emphasising the factor of the disappearance of road traffic, then Islamic law would have done nothing other than adapt to that context rather than determine it. The predominant view, however, is that it was Islamic law that determined the street layout of the Islamic city. For Robert Brunschvig, author of a foundational study on the relationship between law and urban planning in Islam published in 1947, not only is the city governed by Islamic law, but this law marks its evolution. An evolution closely linked to the right of fin\u0101’<\/em>, that is, the right that the owner or inhabitant of a house has to the use of a space around it both in width and height (it is a right of usufruct, since these spaces \u2015the afniya<\/em>\u2015 belong to Muslims as a whole, as is also the case with the property of pious endowments or \u1e25ubus<\/em>). The fin\u0101\u02be <\/em>(or \u1e25ar\u012bm<\/em>) is approximately 1-1.5 meters wide and goes around all the exterior walls of a building and also extends vertically along those walls.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

According to the Granadan jurist \u02bdAbd al-Malik ibn \u1e24ab\u012bb (d. 853), the owners of the houses have the use (intif\u0101’<\/em>) of their afniya <\/em>in three circumstances: to hold meetings (maj\u0101lis<\/em>), to use them as stables in which to leave their riding and pack animals, and to install benches. Street vendors can also use them, but the fin\u0101\u02be<\/em> cannot be occupied by a construction or surrounded by anything enclosing it.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

According to the second orthodox caliph \u02bdUmar, the owner can dispose of the fin\u0101’ of his house, which for some means that he can appropriate it, for example, for construction, the extent of which will depend on the width of the facade of each neighbor. But the founder of the Maliki school \u2015M\u0101lik ibn Anas (d. 795)\u2015 was alleged to have said that he did not like such constructions being made, although he did not prohibit them. One of his disciples did, saying that any construction on a public road is prohibited even if the street is as wide as the desert. Subsequently, the idea prevailed that constructions can be carried out as long as enough space is left for pedestrians, both those on foot and those on horseback. The owner or tenant of a building has the right to use the fin\u0101\u02be<\/em> for temporary purposes, as long as it does not impede street traffic. He is further responsible for keeping his part of the fin\u0101\u02be<\/em> clean and free from all types of obstructions and the accumulation of water or snow. The vertical fin\u0101\u02be<\/em> allows projections outwards from the upper floors in the form of balconies and passageways, justified because what is used is a ‘dead’ space that does not harm the traffic below.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

We have seen that a connection is established between what can be done with one’s fin\u0101<\/em>‘ and the inconvenience that such use can cause to third parties. A Qayrawan\u00ed jurist from the 11th century expressed it like this: if what is built does not harm anyone it is permitted; if it harms someone, it is prohibited. The jurist al-M\u0101zar\u012b (d. 1141), for his part, followed the maxim of ‘the lesser of two evils’. Behind these positions is the general principle of l\u0101 \u1e0darar wa-l\u0101 \u1e0dir\u0101r<\/em> (\u00abno harm or damage should be caused\u00bb): all harm must be eliminated as long as it does not create a harm greater than the first (\u1e0dir\u0101r <\/em>is disproportionate harm or ill-intentioned use by someone of his rights). The absolute prevalence accorded to the right of use in turn implies that \u1e25ij\u0101za <\/em>(long-term possession) becomes a right of private property.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

We have early evidence of this legal orientation in al-Andalus, specifically, thanks to the treatise on urban constructions and roads composed by the jurist Ibn al-Im\u0101m of Tudela (d. 996). Legal issues relating to roads are dealt with above all in the chapters on damages, that is, together with neighborhood problems and damage to the rights of individuals \u2015trees, beams, rights of way, and various nuisances\u2015. As Brunschvig already pointed out, this means that road issues are seen more as problems of the private sphere than of public law. This close connection of the matter with litigation and judicial rulings is recorded by Ibn Khald\u016bn (d. 1406) who indicates that the right of passage is one of the causes of conflicts between people that encourages them to initiate proceedings before the judge.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

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NOTE:<\/strong> This overview \u2015which is based on the studies cited in the Bibliography, where the references of the examples given are found\u2015 was presented in 2017 at the VIII Toletum Workshop Connecting cities? Communication routes in the Iberian Peninsula<\/em>, University of Hamburg: https:\/\/www.toletum-network.com\/es\/2017\/10\/toletum-viii-staedte-verbinden-kommunikationswege-auf-der-iberischen-halbinsel\/ <\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Further reading:<\/h4>\n\n\n\n
    \n
  • Aci\u00e9n Almansa, Manuel, \u00abEl origen de la ciudad en al-\u00c1ndalus\u00bb, Al-Andalus, pa\u00eds de ciudades. Actas del Congreso celebrado en Oropesa<\/em> (Toledo), del 12 al 14 de marzo de 2005, Toledo, Diputaci\u00f3n Provincial, 2008, 15-22.<\/li>\n\n\n\n
  • Alba Calzado, Miguel, \u201cCaracter\u00edsticas del viario urbano de Emerita Augusta entre los siglos I y VIII\u201d, Alicante: Biblioteca Virtual Miguel de Cervantes, 2007.<\/li>\n\n\n\n
  • Brunschvig, Robert, \u00abUrbanisme m\u00e9di\u00e9val et droit musulman\u00bb, Revue des \u00c9tudes Islamiques<\/em> 15 (1947), 122-155.<\/li>\n\n\n\n
  • Ca\u00f1izar Palacios Jos\u00e9 Luis, \u201cConsideraciones sobre aspectos jur\u00eddico-legislativos en relaci\u00f3n con las v\u00edas p\u00fablicas de Hispania durante la Antig\u00fcedad Tard\u00eda\u00bb, Hispania antiqua<\/em> 29 (2005), 225-236.<\/li>\n\n\n\n
  • Carballeira Debasa, Ana Mar\u00eda, \u201cLa ciudad en al-Andalus: Estructura y funciones del espacio urbano\u201d, El mundo urbano en la Espa\u00f1a cristiana y musulmana medieval<\/em>, Oviedo, Universidad, 2013, 75-92.<\/li>\n\n\n\n
  • Cressier, Patrice, Maribel Fierro and Jean-Pierre van Sta\u00ebvel (eds.), L\u2019urbanisme \u00e0 l\u2019Occident m\u00e9di\u00e9val au Moyen Age: aspects juridiques<\/em>, Madrid: Casa de Vel\u00e1zquez \/ CSIC, 2000.<\/li>\n\n\n\n
  • Epalza, Mikel de, \u201cEspacios y sus funciones en la ciudad \u00e1rabe\u201d, Simposio Internacional sobre la Ciudad Isl\u00e1mica<\/em>, Zaragoza, Instituci\u00f3n Fernando el Cat\u00f3lico, 1991, 9-30.<\/li>\n\n\n\n
  • Guti\u00e9rrez Lloret, Sonia, \u201cDe la civitas a la madina: destrucci\u00f3n y formaci\u00f3n de la ciudad en el sureste de Al-Andalus. El debate arqueol\u00f3gico\u201d, Actas del IV Congreso de Arqueolog\u00eda Medieval Espa\u00f1ola. Sociedades en transici\u00f3n. Tomo I: Ponencias<\/em> (Alicante, 4-9 octubre de 1993), Alicante, Asociaci\u00f3n Espa\u00f1ola de Arqueolog\u00eda Medieval-Diputaci\u00f3n Provincial de Alicante, 1993, 13-35.<\/li>\n\n\n\n
  • Hentati, Nejmeddine, \u00abLa rue dans la ville de l\u2019Occident musulman m\u00e9di\u00e9val d\u2019apr\u00e9s les sources juridiques malikites\u00bb, Arabica. Journal of Arabic and Islamic Studies<\/em> 50 (2003), 273-305.<\/li>\n\n\n\n
  • \u2014, \u201c\u00c9vacuation des eaux us\u00e9es dans la ville de l\u2019occident musulman m\u00e9di\u00e9val d\u2019apr\u00e8s les sources malikites\u201d, Al-Andalus Magreb <\/em>21 (2014), 23-55.<\/li>\n\n\n\n
  • Malpica Cuello, Antonio y Garc\u00eda Porras, Alberto (eds.), Las ciudades nazar\u00edes. Nuevas aportaciones desde la arqueolog\u00eda<\/em>, Granada, Alhulia, 2011.<\/li>\n\n\n\n
  • Mar\u00edn, Manuela, \u201cTudela en \u00e9poca isl\u00e1mica: a prop\u00f3sito de la obra de Ibn al-Imam\u201d, El patrimonio hist\u00f3rico ymedioambiental de Tudela<\/em>, Tudela, 2001, 23-31.<\/li>\n\n\n\n
  • Mart\u00ednez Enamorado, Virgilio and Torremocha Silva, Antonio (coords.), Actas. 11 Congreso Internacional La ciudad en al-Andalus y el Magreb [Algeciras]<\/em>, Granada: Fundaci\u00f3n El Legado Andalus\u00ed, 2002.<\/li>\n\n\n\n
  • Mateos Cruz, Pedro and Miguel Alba Calzado, \u00abDe Emerita Augusta a Marida\u00bb, in L. Caballero Zoreda and P. Mateos Cruz (eds.), Visigodos y omeyas. Un debate entre la Antig\u00fcedad Tard\u00eda y la Alta Edad Media<\/em> (M\u00e9rida, abril de 1999), Madrid, 2000, 143-168.<\/li>\n\n\n\n
  • Mazzoli-Guintard, Christine, Ciudades de al-Andalus. Espa\u00f1a y Portugal en la \u00e9poca musulmana (s. VII-X V)<\/em>, Granada, Editorial al-Andalus y el Mediterr\u00e1neo, 2000.<\/li>\n\n\n\n
  • \u2014, Vivre \u00e0 Cordoue au Moyen Age. Solidarit\u00e9s citadines en terre d\u2019Islam aux X-XI si\u00e9cles<\/em>. Rennes: Presses Universitaires de Rennes, 2003.<\/li>\n\n\n\n
  • \u2014, \u201cQue nul n\u2019empi\u00e8te sur la rue qui appartient \u00e0 tous: \u00e0 propos d\u2019une tentative d\u2019accaparement de la voie publique \u00e0 Cordoue au d\u00e9but du Xe si\u00e8cle\u201d, Estudios sobre patrimonio, cultura y ciencia medievales<\/em> IX-X (2007-2008), 165-183.<\/li>\n\n\n\n
  • Murillo Redondo, J. F., M. T. Casal Garc\u00eda and E. Castro del R\u00edo, \u00abMadinat Qurtuba. Aproximaci\u00f3n al proceso de formaci\u00f3n de la ciudad emiral y califal a partir de la informaci\u00f3n arqueol\u00f3gica\u00bb, Cuadernos de Madinat al-Zahra<\/em> 5 (2004), 261-262.<\/li>\n\n\n\n
  • Navarro Palaz\u00f3n, Julio and Jim\u00e9nez Castillo, Pedro, Las ciudades de Alandal\u00fas. Nuevas perspectivas<\/em>, CSIC-UZA-Cortes de Arag\u00f3n \u2013 Instituto de Estudios Isl\u00e1micos y de Oriente Pr\u00f3ximo (IEIOP), 2007.<\/li>\n\n\n\n
  • Passini, Jean (coord.), La ciudad medieval: de la casa al tejido urbano: actas del primer Curso de Historia y Urbanismo Medieval<\/em>, Cuenca, Ediciones de la Universidad de Castilla-La Mancha, 2001.<\/li>\n\n\n\n
  • R\u00e8klayt\u00e9, Ieva, Vivir en una ciudad de Al-\u00c1ndalus. Hidr\u00e1ulica, saneamiento y condiciones de vida<\/em>, Zaragoza, Universidad, 2012.<\/li>\n\n\n\n
  • Torres Balb\u00e1s, Leopoldo, \u201cLos adarves de las ciudades hispanomusulmanas\u201d, Al-Andalus<\/em> XII, 1 (1947), 164-193.<\/li>\n\n\n\n
  • \u2014, Ciudades hispanomusulmanas<\/em>, 2 vols., Madrid, 1985.<\/li>\n\n\n\n
  • van Sta\u00ebvel, Jean-Pierre, \u00abCasa, calle y vecindad en la documentaci\u00f3n jur\u00eddica\u00bb, in Navarro Palaz\u00f3n, Julio (ed.), Casas y palacios de al-Andalus. Siglos XII Y XII<\/em>, Granada, Fundaci\u00f3n El Legado Andalus\u00ed, 1995, 53-61.<\/li>\n\n\n\n
  • \u2014, Droit malikite et habitat \u00e0 Tunis au XIV si\u00e8cle. Conflits de voisinage et normes juridiques d\u2019apr\u00e8s le texte du ma\u00eetre-ma\u00e7on Ibn al-Rami<\/em>, El Cairo: Institut Fran\u00e7ais d\u2019Arch\u00e9ologie Orientale, 2008.<\/li>\n\n\n\n
  • Yanagihashi, Hiroyuki, A history of the early Islamic law of property: reconstructing the legal development, 7th-9th centuries<\/em>, Leiden: Brill, 2004.<\/li>\n\n\n\n
  • Zozaya, Juan, \u00abUrbanismo andalus\u00ed\u00bb, Cidades e Hist\u00f3ria, Actas del Congreso 1987<\/em>, Lisboa, Funda\u00e7ao Calouste Gubenkian, 1992, 143-156.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

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